Matt Webster, plaintiff in a lawsuit challenging Alabama's Anti-Immigration Law, speaks during a news conference Friday, July 8, 2011, where the suit was announced by the Southern Poverty Law Center in Montgomery, Ala. Webster and his wife are in the process of adopting two boys who do not currently have federal immigration status. (AP Photo/Montgomery Advertiser, Julie Bennett)AP
The movement against Alabama's harsh crackdown on undocumented immigrants is being led, in some respects, by the church.
The latest example was Sunday in Huntsville, where a few hundred people gathered in a downtown park for an interfaith prayer rally to protest the law.
Many participants wore white and carried candles; some pastors wore clerical garb.
The mobilization of the church, for some, is a chance for Bible Belt redemption.
During the civil rights movement of the 1950s and `60s, many state churches didn't join the fight to end Jim Crow laws and racial segregation. Some cross-burning Ku Klux Klan members took off their hoods and sat in the pews with everyone else on Sunday mornings, and relatively few white congregations actively opposed segregation. Some black churches were hesitant to get involved for fear of a white backlash.
Now that Alabama has passed what's widely considered the nation's most restrictive state law against illegal immigration, mainstream churches, faith-based organizations and individual members are at the forefront of opposition to the act. Some see their involvement as a way to avoid repeating mistakes of the past.
"I think what happened in the `60s may be a stimulus for the action that you have seen many of the churches taking on this," said Chriss H. Doss, an attorney and ordained Southern Baptist minister.
Matt Lacey, who is pastor of a United Methodist church once attended by Birmingham's infamous segregationist police commissioner Eugene "Bull" Connor, said there are all sorts of reasons Alabama Christians are opposed to the law. Making amends for the past inaction of religious groups is among them, he said.
"For me, as pastor of a church that was engaged in that battle, it is very important," said Lacey. "If we take redemption very seriously, then it not only covers our sins but our past actions as a church. I think for some, there is a tendency to want to be on the side of right on this issue. ... I would like to think the church just wants to do what's right."
Supporters of the law say it's needed to limit the number of undocumented immigrants living in Alabama. Critics, including immigrant support groups and faith-based workers, sued last week to overturn the law.
After a prayer for wisdom, members of the Birmingham City Council unanimously passed a resolution recently calling for the repeal of the law. That same day, ministers and lay people gathered to discuss opposition to the law in the same church where, more than 50 years ago, white segregationists gathered to form a group to oppose white and black children going to school together.
Urged to come to a rally and candlelight march sponsored by churches and faith-based groups, a diverse crowd estimated around 2,000 marched quietly through downtown streets on a Saturday night near where police dogs snapped at black demonstrators two generations ago. And more than 100 United Methodist ministers many of them moderate to liberal, but some also on the conservative side signed an open letter to the governor criticizing the law.
Doss is struck by the differences between 2011 and 1963, when the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. wrote his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" to seven white moderate ministers and a rabbi who were publicly urging him to go slower with the campaign to end legalized segregation. Many black churches also were slow initially to embrace the cause of civil rights in Birmingham, where Klan night riders roamed with bombs for years.
"There were a number of black ministers who took a more conservative position, that they were not going to get involved publicly. Their involvement greatly increased through the years," said Wayne Coleman, head of archives at the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute.
Churches had little to say about the bill as it moved through the Alabama Legislature, but that could be because they were overwhelmed for weeks providing food and other assistance to victims of the deadly tornadoes that swept across the state on April 27, killing more than 240 people.
In contrast, denominational leaders were outspoken at the Georgia General Assembly as a similarly tough law moved toward final passage in Atlanta.
Religious leaders have been less vocal in Georgia since legislators passed the law, but a federal judge blocked key provisions of that act this week.
Now in Alabama, leaders among the state's fast-growing Hispanic community hope the involvement of churches will help lead to a repeal of the law, signed earlier this month by Republican Gov. Robert Bentley, a Southern Baptist deacon and Sunday school teacher.
"It's huge to have the faith community come together and speak out in such great numbers against this new law," said Isabel Rubio, executive director of the Hispanic Interest Coalition of Alabama. "Because we're in the middle of the Bible Belt, we certainly expect that the faith communities' influence ... will land on folks' ears who are willing to listen."
Religious opposition to the new law which has included not just Christian churches but Jewish congregations and Muslim leaders is two-fold.
Some see the issue in faith terms. Christians compare biblical instructions to welcome strangers and love others with the law's restrictions against knowingly assisting undocumented immigrants by helping them secure a place to live, a job, health care other than for emergencies and even a ride to the store.
Under the law, police can check anyone's immigration status during a traffic stop or other encounter and jail people without bond if they don't have proper documents.
Fernando del Castillo, pastor of a Spanish-speaking congregation of about 300 people in metro Birmingham, is particularly worried about a provision requiring that schools check the immigration status of students and report the information to the state. He fears some immigrant parents will be afraid to send their children to school when classes resume in August.
"Will they keep them at home? I don't know," said del Castillo.
Others see the issue more as a case of the state potentially interfering with the traditional work of congregations. They fear the state is criminalizing missions work by restricting the types of interactions that citizens are allowed to have with residents living in the country illegally.
"They wonder if this is the beginning of infringing on freedoms that the church has considered its bailiwick," said Doss.
Leaders of the United Methodist Church, the Episcopal Church, the Lutheran Church and the Roman Catholic Church all have criticized the law as running counter to biblical teachings about caring for neighbors, helping visitors and showing hospitality to strangers.
The state's largest denomination, the Alabama Baptist Convention, hasn't taken a position publicly and likely won't since it doesn't speak for individual churches. Convention president Mike Shaw, pastor of a church in suburban Birmingham, said the law "is the toughest in the nation and personally I think all laws need to be enforced."
"I am concerned about the language concerning giving a ride in an automobile to an illegal immigrant or allowing children of illegal immigrant parents to ride on a church bus to Sunday school, vacation Bible school, or church camp," he said in a statement. "Should we ignore people who are injured or have broken down on the side of a busy interstate highway and have small children in sweltering heat with no family or friends to help them?"
Based on reporting by The Associated Press.